Source Link: https://www.ifj.org/media-centre/news/detail/category/europe/article/election-reporting-handbook.html
INTERNATIONAL FEDERATION OF JOURNALISTS
__
__
A Media for Democracy Handbook
__
The IFJ is grateful to support of the European Commission and the Danish Foreign Ministry (DANIDA) in the production of this handbook.
__
Introduction
The challenge of objectivity, impartiality and balance in journalism is faced daily by journalists, but there is no test of professionalism greater than that posed in the heat and pressure of a bitterly-fought political election.
The election is also a test of political commitment to democracy. It is a time the impulse to manipulate media and to control information is strongest among ruling parties and political leaders running for office.
And what about voters? The election provides a further challenge to media because it brings into sharp focus the need of media to provide citizens with access to all the facts, opinions and ideas being canvassed in the campaign. And journalists must also provide access to media so that citizen's voices can be heard above the babble of political debate.
How do journalists cope with these pressures? How can they enforce professional guidelines and rules which will help them to put all sides of an argument? What laws and regulations should restrain political interest groups from exercising undue influence?
In countries where media, press and broadcasting, have been traditionally subject to monopoly control and undue political influence, particularly from the state, and sometimes from single-party government, adjusting to multiparty conditions is never easy.
But the questions set out here need to be answered urgently, particularly in the countries which will soon follow in Kenya's and South Africa's footsteps.
This handbook, we hope, will help journalists and media organisations to prepare themselves for the challenges which these elections will pose.
This handbook and the election project which it supports are part of a comprehensive Media For Democracy Programme to assist journalists and media organisations. The programme was developed during 1993 to provide professional assistance to journalists and media organisations to meet the challenge of political and social change.
Aidan White,
General Secretary.
By Jean Paul Marthoz
Director, Media For Democracy
The handbook also provides Guidelines for Government and Media which draws upon existing texts and new studies prepared by Article 19 The International Centre Against Censorship on the principles appropriate to media coverage of election campaigns in transitional democracies.
This handbook starts from the basis that State-owned media exist as a public service, serving all of the people, and not acting as the public relations arm of the government. We recognise that different traditions provide different problems.
"Traditionally," writes Francis Kasoma (University of Zambia), "the greatest enemy to freedom of expression in post-independence Africa has been government high-handedness. Those in power have simply not accorded media editors any meaningful leeway to give the populace a voice in the media which they have largely owned and controlled. The African government has literally both paid the piper and called the tune".
The same can be said for many parts of the world but it need not be so.
We include an agreement reached between the Board of Directors of the Australian Broadcasting Corporation and its journalistic staff guaranteeing journalists editorial freedom.
We insist throughout this handbook that State-owned radio and television networks are not and must not become propaganda weapons. Instead, journalists must be accorded the right to determine news and current affairs content on the basis of professional judgments alone.
Our focus on state-owned media does not mean that journalists working in private media are ever totally free from undue pressures. We are under no illusion that a privately-owned press automatically operates without any restraints to press freedom.
Partisan politics, advertising pressures, publishers' interests and leanings can act as a powerful, even though less visible, influence on freedom of expression. To illustrate this search for editorial independence, we also reproduce a "charter" signed between journalists and their publisher.
We also draw upon the experience of journalists in South Africa to confront the problem of violence against journalists. The struggle for democracy is often turbulent and violent and journalists are almost always in the firing line. The tips in this contribution can help journalists anywhere to survive while getting the stories their media need.
At the end of each section is a checklist of questions relating to your own situation. These are designed to help you apply the ideas and suggestions in the handbook to your own conditions.
That process from restraint which is essential to enable journalists, editors and publishers to advance the public interest by publishing, broadcasting or circulating facts and opinions without which a democratic electorate cannot make responsible judgements.
Our unions reject attempts to manipulate the media whether through the crude instruments of official censorship or by any mechanism by which journalists are told what to write in their newspapers or what to broadcast on air.
Manipulation comes in many forms: from the heavy hand of the ministry of information to the subtleties of advertising and commercial pressure.
The greatest threat to press freedom is often not in forms of direct control but rather in the creation of an atmosphere in the exercise of journalism whereby self-censorship by journalists and editors prevails.
The IFJ believes in empowering journalists to fight for media freedom. We fully support the definitions of independence and plurality in media provided in the Declaration of Windhoek in 1991 which stated:
"By an independent press, we mean a press independent from governmental, political or economic control or from control of materials and infrastructure essential for the production and dissemination of newspapers, magazines and periodicals.
"By pluralistic press, we mean the end of monopolies of any kind and the existence of the greatest possible number of newspapers, magazines and periodicals reflecting the widest possible range of opinion within the community".
The IFJ encourages journalists to organise into effective trade unions and professional associations and to stand up for their rights. Journalists have a key role to play in a democracy, but they can only do so if they work in social and professional conditions which respect the need to be free of intimidation and undue influence.
Therefore, in setting out the professional conditions for free and fair reportage of elections, the IFJ stresses that professionalism in journalism carries with it ethical and moral obligations which journalists have a duty to honour, not just at election time, but in all aspects of their work.
The IFJ exists to help create the unity and solidarity among journalists which they need to make the professional commitment something more than window-dressing for democracy.
"We do not conspire with outsiders because we are newspaper people -- not politicians, megalomaniacs or political dilettantes. We do not slant news to favour any political party because -- apart from being a fraud on our readers and bad journalism -- to do so is dishonest. Journalism in its purest form is simply telling the truth, so long as it is in the public interest. We do not conspire with outsiders. We do not write for politicians or parties. We write for people".
Most journalists might accept that, but we all know, too, that political pressure exists. Often it is based upon the traditional community of support which media appeal too -- liberal newspapers tend to be left of centre in their editorial columns; conservative newspapers will favour right of centre politics.
Partisan journalism can be good journalism. Campaigning journalism has often nurtured the best tradition in the profession but the opinions of the editorial columns should not interfere with the process of news gathering, news selection and placement.
That is something which journalists always try to respect and that is difficult for many outside journalism to understand. Therefore, allegations of deliberate, political bias are easy to make and often difficult to refute.
The choices to be made between different kinds of news and views every day and the omission of some items and the inclusion of others is bound to result in professional judgement which can be defined as bias. A journalist comments:
"Of course the press is biased. The gathering, editing and publishing of news involves decisions by people who inevitably bring their own background, values and prejudices to bear on deciding what to select, emphasize and colour as news.
"Bias is inevitable; it is lack of balance in the representation of a range of views that is criticised. Lack of balance may characterise not only the way politics is presented in reports, but more generally, the way women, unions, homosexuals and minorities are reported."
Even media critics, if pressed, would acknowledge that the media cannot be entirely free of bias. They would accept, for instance,that the editorial column, which serves as the institutional voice of newspaper on a wide range of issues, must of necessity be biased because it expresses an opinion, even though such opinion must always be based on confirmed facts. Nor would they object to the right of columnists to express their opinions, even if they disagree with them.
Generally, what is objected to is a lack of balance in news columns, which are supposed to contain objective reportage, as far as that can be achieved. Deliberate bias, sometimes slight, sometimes excessive,is the result of a conscious decision by the reporter, editor or proprietor to be partisan rather than even-handed.
Examples are the suppression of essential or important facts and the deliberate distortion of other facts through wrong or improper emphasis. Bias happens also when, for instance, newsreaders summarize speeches of the opposition with little or no footage whereas they run long footage of the speech by the ruling party candidate. Bias can also be seen in "camera angles" when TV crews are asked to focus on a campaign rally in such a way that it appears larger than it really is. Or when they are being asked to film the "best" or the "worst" profile of a candidate.
But the fact that a newspaper prints more news about the President or Prime Minister than about the Opposition leader or opposition candidate is not of itself evidence of deliberate bias. It might reflect the fact that the President or Prime Minister does or says more as a result of the duties of his or her office; or that the President or Prime Minister is interesting and the opponent is dull; or that they provide information to meet deadlines.
Many journalists question whether it is the job of the media to go out of their way to polish up the Opposition's image or improve its media skills to account for any such deficiencies. However, it is the media's job to act fairly. Remember that many politicians are skilled at manipulating people, including media.
Some candidates are so obsessed with getting their message across
without any journalistic filter that they have resorted to new ways of
addressing directly the electorate.
In the 1992 presidential elections in the United States maverick billionaire
candidate Ross Perot rented television time to avoid having to talk to free
media. He could, and did, buy all the airtime he wanted. The bad news for
our profession was that each time he attacked journalists, the switchboard
of his headquarters was overwhelmed with calls from people volunteering
for his campaign.
Some candidates went on the television talk-show circuit with no journalist
present and answered questions fielded directly by the public.
Journalists should carefully listen to the questions asked by the public:
they may serve as an excellent barometer of real public concerns and as a
warning for journalists as to the way they effectively cover those concerns.
Never forget that you are a link between the event and the reader, listener
or viewer and not a veil. News coverage should not become a barrier
between the candidates and the voters. It should be a bridge connecting
them.
"That desire of the people to become more involved in the political
process is here to stay," says Seymour Topping of the American
Society of Newspaper Editors . "It will have increasing influence on
newspapers as well as the electronic media. People will want to be
in a position to have their views recorded more often and at greater
length in newspapers. This can be done through letters to the editor,
it can be done through op-ed pages and in news columns in the
sense that reporters are drawn more to talk to the people
themselves rather than addressing all their questions to politicians or
to the leaders in business and the professions."
Always be prepared for media bashing. Many candidates, especially
lacklustre or losing candidates, think they get unfavourable coverage in the
press and try the put the blame on the media. Do not be intimidated. Just
do your job.
A final word: bias is also about news priorities. We can choose to focus on
a particular issue, or we can join the herd in following a particular
controversy, or we can decide to refrain from getting behind the glitz and
the glamour of personality or character politics.
Bias occurs when we focus on the internal dynamics of an election
campaign, on its "horse race" model instead of digging deep into the most
substantive issues of the day.
Beware of allowing a gap to grow between your news values and the
nation's real concerns. According to studies in the United States
"the voters' concerns are closer to those of the candidates. The Markle
Commission's study of the 1988 campaign concluded that voters believe
they get their best information about the candidates from debates". And
not from journalists!
Bias should be fought by media organisations. A process of checks and
balances can be set up within the newsroom itself in order to correct
imbalance in reporting. Some media organisations have adopted operating
procedures that guide journalists in the day-to-day dilemmas of their work.
Some have devised a reviewing process that closely monitors the
performance of the newsroom. Others have even appointed a readers'
representative or ombudsman that is supposed to attend to readers'
complaints and to review the way the newspaper has covered a particular
story.
Let us not forget that self-regulation and internal control procedures are
always better than control by a press council stocked with "wise men"
recruited outside of the profession and often endowed with legal or
punitive powers.
4. EDITORIAL INDEPENDENCE
The press is in the news business but it is not just in business. Journalists
and publishers have a responsibility towards the society as a whole. That
means that journalists operate on the edges of the market and democracy.
According to the Federazione Nazionale Della Stampa in Italy:
"The function of the press is not to give support to this or that
economic or political potentate, but to unravel the everyday, complex
behaviour of society and powerful bodies for the benefit of its
readers. Newspapers and journalism were originally intended to be,
and must continue to be, useful instruments in the general interest
rather than mouthpieces of individual, particular interests".
Given the fact that Italy's leading media magnate, Sylvio Berlusconi, is now
the country's Prime Minister it is a timely reminder that politicians must
keep their hands out of the affairs of journalists.
But it also means that journalists cannot be prevented by their publishers
from carrying out their professional responsibilities. In order to really
empower journalists in this fundamental social function some media have
established editorial statutes that tend to guarantee independence from all
kinds of pressure.
In Australia, for example, an agreement between the Australian
Journalists Association and the new publishers on The Age (a broadsheet
daily paper published in Melbourne) states:
In Germany, journalists employed on Stern magazine have a detailed
agreed statute covering editorial freedoms. Article 1 of the statute states
that Stern is a political magazine, but is independent of any of the political
parties in Germany, of business corporations, or any other interest groups.
The Article says Stern seeks to inform and entertain its readers and
expects its editorial staff to believe in a free, democratic system and to
subscribe to progressive liberal principles.
Journalists or employees of Stern cannot be forced to carry out any task,
to write anything or to take responsibility for anything against their
convictions. They may not suffer any consequences from a refusal.
The interests of editorial workers at Stern are represented by an advisory
board, consisting of seven editorial staff members, elected annually by
secret ballot. On a petition of 30 editorial staff members, the advisory
board must be newly elected.
The editor-in-chief of Stern is appointed by the publisher.
The editor-inchief requires the full confidence of the editorial staff: therefore, the
publisher discusses the appointment with the advisory board. The
publisher will not appoint or dismiss an editor-in-chief if the advisory board
is opposed to such a move with a two-thirds' majority.
Staff decisions within the editorial department are taken by the editor-inchief.
Staff changes at the level of deputy editor-in-chief, department head
and political journalist cannot be made against the opposition of two-thirds
of the advisory board. The advisory board must give reasons for its
position consistent with the principles contained in Article 1 of the statute.
These brief examples here show that where there is recognition of the
problems of pressure practical action can be taken to reinforce
professionalism and independence in media. We should strive for
independence at all times, but it must exist, above all, during the critical
period for democracy when a nation or a community is electing to office
those charged with defending their liberties and protecting their interests.
Checklist:
How can news media improve coverage to ensure that news reports
do not appear to slavishly follow the bias that may appear in editorial
columns?
What structures for internal discussion and debate should be
established to review the election reporting process as it unfolds to
correct any problems of apparent bias that may emerge?
Is there a process of debate and dialogue within a newsroom which
can reduce or eliminate personal prejudice?
1. THE KENYAN EXPERIENCE
By NEAL SWANCOTT
Former IFJ Deputy General Secretary
Kenya is a country with a lively written press. Three major newspaper
groups produce daily newspapers in English and in parallel vernacular
languages. Some 200 full-time journalists and photographers, and an army
of freelance correspondents, work in a fiercely-competitive market to
gather and publish information. Kenyan newspapers are well read,
although illiteracy in the country is around 30 per cent.
The Kenya Government also controls the two television networks,KBC and
KTN, the radio network, Voice of Kenya, and the newsagency, KNA. Many
foreign correspondents also have Nairobi as their base for coverage of
East Africa and the Horn of Africa.
The relationship between media and government has been poor for many
years. Journalists have experienced problems with the authorities in all
areas, including the police, and there have been frequent confrontations in
which journalists and photographers have been assaulted.
International media and human rights groups have frequently intervened to
protest and to defend journalists and editors.
The December 1992 Kenyan election took place, therefore, against a
difficult and uncomfortable background: a relatively free, competitive media
environment but with the ever-present possibility of official harassment.
The lack of respect within the political establishment for independent
values in journalism was reported extensively during an IFJ Nairobi
seminar when speakers revealed the extent to which politicians and
political aspirants sought to "buy" coverage. Remarkable sums of money
were in circulation to bribe journalists. Several journalists "placed
themselves outside the profession" and accepted full-time posts as media
advisers to politicians.
In some cases, journalists who linked themselves with particular
candidates were quickly transferred to non-election duties. While it was not
suggested that the incidence of such clear conflicts of interest had a great
impact on the election coverage process, it led to considerable debate
after the election period.
Another notable feature of the Kenyan election experience was more
widespread: physical intimidation of journalists.
Nevertheless, Kenyan journalists report that there was a widespread
feeling of adventure within the profession: journalists were keenly aware of
the historic process in which they were involved.
Several newspapers published regularly features in which individual
electoral constituencies were profiled. Others published "readers' forum"
type columns to make a break with the barrage of "official" comments from
parties and spokespersons.
Newspapers also cleared space for election coverage. "Nation", for
instance, provided devoted six full, advertisement-free pages each day,
and designed a new layout to distinguish election coverage from normal
news coverage. But journalists were under a constant barrage of
demands. Regular accusations of bias were followed by demands for
"equal space".
The Nairobi seminar indicated a significant gap in the protective shield
which should protect journalists from undue political pressure. The seminar
was told that, during the election period, two senior government officers
convened a meeting of journalists to give "advice" on how the election
campaigns should be covered.
Needless to say, this "advice" was strongly favoured government
candidates. Similar "briefings" were held for radio and television
journalists. Arising from this the IFJ regional meeting suggested:
a) that journalists' associations in the region should consider
establishing an "election campaign monitoring group" comprising
experienced, retired journalists, which could receive, investigate and
publish details of political pressure on journalists.
b) that a "charter" of non-interference in editorial judgements, along
the lines of the charter negotiated in Australia for the Australian
Broadcasting Corporation, would strengthen the independence of
journalists.
c) that journalists' associations should campaign on the issue of
ethics and corruption, educating newcomers to the profession on
the role of independent journalism and should expose corruption
when it is identified.
d) that established journalists should avoid working as consultants or
advisers to candidates.
e) that courses for political groups should be set up giving advice on
how to respect media at times of elections and to avoid putting
journalists at risk of allegations of bias and unprofessional conduct.
f) that journalists' associations should issue guidelines on election
coverage, with particular emphasis on the "public service" role of the
government-owned electronic media.
Checklist of issues:
Does the Kenyan Experience apply to you?
How can Journalists Resist Political Pressure?
Would an Election Charter defining ethical conduct help?
How Can Editors Defend Their Staff?
2. ELECTION NOTES: OBJECTIVITY AND JOURNALISTS
By ALI HAFIDH
former editor in chief of "The Standard", Kenya
The coverage of elections is an essential part of the freedom of
expression. As elections need to be genuinely free to be democratic, so it
is with the coverage of elections. An impeded or selective coverage of
elections is anathema to democracy. For genuine freedom of expression,
media must be totally free and unimpeded.
Election coverage is not just the reporting of election campaign rallies. The
journalist in the exercise of covering the election becomes a messenger of
all opinions; including those who advocate democracy, as well as the
enemies of democracy. In election rallies, there will always be these two
characteristics.
The journalist also becomes an active participant in the election process.
They must inform voters about what type of persons are canvassing for
votes and what they stand for. A journalist needs to be brave enough to tell
the voter through media what is at stake. This is not to say that the
journalist becomes a campaigner for a particular candidate.
In Kenya, we do not have a system, applying in the United States and
other countries, of media endorsing candidates. In the absence of this
system the journalist should be bold to point out the merits and demerits of
the contestants and leave it to the voter to decide.
Election analysis should become an integral part of campaign coverage. It
is also in the exercise of covering elections that a journalist distinguishes
himself or herself as a objective person, and a man or woman of integrity.
3. ELECTION NOTES: GETTING OUT THE MESSAGE
By WANGETHI MWANGI
Managing Editor of "Nation" newspapers
The pursuit of the truth is a great democratic cause. If a journalist fails
there, he or she fails in the struggle for democracy. The struggle for
democracy must be a call to every journalist.
Honesty, integrity, objectivity, brevity and truth are grandiose and noble
ideas, but a journalists should not be embarrassed or reluctant about
setting them as standards of their work.
In the run-up phase, we thought it was our duty to inform Nation readers of
where the various parties stood on vital issues. This was easier said than
done. Kenyan politics is personalised, and defined by tribal interests, to a
very great degree and the campaigning, sadly, was dominated by
mud-slinging and name-calling, with very little of substance being said.
We wrote to every party leader requesting an interview in which they
could state their party's case; we offered to provide a list of questions for
them to study. Not one replied.
One feels little sympathy for political leaders when they complain of
misrepresentation if they will not permit themselves to be questioned on
the basics of party policy.
In the event, we were forced to collect the parties' official manifestos
(something they should have been handing out at street corners, but which
proved like asking for gold) and from these we ran a series of articles
setting out the different attitudes to the economy, regional administration,
corruption, health, education, welfare, jobs -- in fact, all of the
bread-and-butter things that affect people in their everyday lives.
We also introduced a regular feature entitled "Election Platform", in which
non-politicians, ordinary Kenyans, were invited to share their views with
readers, either on a general basis, or more likely, on a specific area in
which they were expert: human rights, treatment of land, constitutional
issues, problems of the farmer, neglected areas.
The standard of these contributions was remarkably high, and in fact we
retained the idea when the election ended, retitling it "Weekend Platform"
which offered literate Kenyans a chance to express themselves at length
on any important topic of their choice. The elections were fraught with
many dangers: violence in several places tended to obscure the real
objectives, and political thuggery introduced a whole new element of
corruption in media.
1. AN EDITOR'S MODEL FOR ELECTION COVERAGE
By JEAN PAUL MARTHOZ
Planning is essential to effective election coverage. The model below can
be used as a checklist by editors or election coverage task forces. It gives
also some guidance on special editorial approaches to the campaign.
Be careful, however, to adapt this model to local realities. But do not
accept the argument that poorly-funded media do not have the means to
really follow those rules. Good journalism can be poor!
poll: registration date, start and closing day of the campaign period,
election day specifics (how the polling will be organized, timetable for
election returns, etc).
watching, laws governing international observation delegations, use
of public opinion surveys, political advertising regulations, access to
state media, electoral expenses limitations, etc).
broadcasters' associations in order to prepare the profession's
guidelines and code of conduct and a charter to be submitted to all
political parties committing them to respect journalists and protect
them against harassment by their supporters.
Consideration should be given to setting up a election media
monitoring group composed of well known personalities and in
charge of investigating any aggression against the press and to
promptly act upon them.
cover the campaign and why.
good business for the media but it also costs a lot of money. You will
need extra phone lines, faxes, additional cars and drivers, more
overtime. Plan carefully and allocate resources wisely. Low-balling
your budget will get you into trouble.
golden hour but it should not be its exclusive preserve. All
departments can be asked to perform duties according to their skills.
Specialised writers will be commissioned to analyze issues in their
beat (economics, health, foreign affairs, economics, labour,
education), to compare competing political programmes, to
scrutinise speeches and position papers, to track inconsistencies
and expose propaganda.
The foreign desk for instance might be assigned to stories related to
international observer teams, foreign press coverage, role of
international organisations in the campaign, etc.
Some media choose to set up a special election desk for the last
weeks of the campaign. This option should be studied carefully
especially in small newspapers. The election campaign should not
obfuscate the rest of the news.
delicate questions that may arise as the campaign develops. It
should include the editor-in-chief, the relevant department head, and
a few distinguished commentators or reporters.
advertising department (some pages should be considered ad-free
during the campaign, precise guidelines should be given to
acceptance and placement of political advertising), the production
manager (he must provide for later deadlines on election day and for
additional pages), and the distribution manager.
information flow on election day, phone and fax operators,
secretaries, drivers, etc.
advice during the election campaign and as soon as the results are
public. Election pundits, political scientists, public opinion analysts,
should be on standby and attached to your particular media.
Appointments should be arranged in advance with political party
leaders for election-night comments on results. But do not
overwhelm your readers with excessive punditry. Ordinary citizens
should have their say too.
candidates as possible stored in your photo library.
on your side (your computer falls dead, your local journalist cannot
contact you, one of your reporters is arrested or wounded, etc) and
on the side of the government (failure in the collation of results,
charges of irregularities, etc).
Planning is all-important, but never forget that your first responsibility
is to the readers, the viewers and listeners.
which elections put at their disposal are very useful. Take, for
example, this advice given by Project Vote Smart in the US to
American voters:
the boss. Elected officials are temporary hired help.
principles and techniques of voting and what the election will lead to
(a new parliament, separation of powers, transparency, etc).
Media should introduce an open line to readers so they might ask
questions on specific points of the campaign and air their views
(note the "Election Platform" idea of Nation Newspapers in Kenya
reported earlier).
Run more interviews with voters not just "vox-pop" and quick quotes
gathered in the street, but meaningful probing of how families are
surviving in an economic crisis or how they deeply feel about
education opportunities for their children.
voters and for media. Never commission surveys that do not stick to
the highest standards and never print them without fully explaining
the conditions and the limits of the survey. Expose any fraud in a
political party or newspaper survey. Never forget that polls will never
replace old-style political reporting.
candidates, close-ups on most electoral districts (economic base,
population profile, major problems, party dominance).
(official figures, the state of the debate, major players and lobbies,
etc.). Cover those issues independently from party positions, report
on issues that are neglected by political parties. Too often issues are
presented as just a conflict between opposing sides and not as
objects of serious debate.
Always ask: What's missing in the news today? Read everything,
remember what the candidates said (and did) over a period of years
not just days. Do not confuse lobbying by interest groups or mediagenerated excitement with a grass-roots political movement.
Do not be afraid of repeating explanatory studies of difficult issues.
The "We've already done it" or "It does not interest anybody"
cynicism should never be welcome in a newsroom. At election time
is should be banned.
accessible to readers, de-code all political jargon, track down and
annihilate all long words that render already difficult concepts totally
incomprehensible.
follow candidates like a pack of wolves which leads to concentrate
on the same events and interpret them in the same way. This
happens particularly when a candidate is seen as rising in the polls:
when a candidate's support increases sharply the coverage of his
candidacy becomes more favourable.
examine possible conflicts of interest. Look at a candidate's record
or promises and commitments: ask who has benefited or would
benefit from a candidate's proposals.
Follow the money: who is financing the campaign, what are the
interests of those providing the money, and how will they benefit
from the government (new legislation, regulatory power).
graphs, satire, sketches and cartoons, investigative journalism (who
is behind a particular candidate, the role of special interests, etc),
photojournalism, profiles, interviews, contradictory debates.
write columns for your paper on a fair and rotating basis. But stop
this process at least two weeks before election day so as not to give
undue advantage to one of the candidates and not to overwhelm
your readers with party propaganda.
cooked-up events designed just to grab headlines.
check them, use them as a source for a more balanced story. Do not
run for "photo-opportunities". Do not overhype controversy: a
contrived rumour campaign can lead you far away from voters' real
interests.
stake. Follow closely each candidate's advertising campaign. Some
media have columns which scrutinise campaign promises and
advertising techniques. Expose falsification and distortion wherever
you find it. Clearly identify and attribute any information coming from
sources other than obtained from independent reporting.
Compare your performance with that of the competition.
coalition government. Follow up the candidates' election campaign
promises. Check their records against their commitments. Keep an
eye out for conflicts of interest: the type of legislation actively pushed
by an MP can give you a tip on the identity of his financial backers.
2. REPORTERS AND THE ELECTION
By JOHN LAWRENCE,
Briefing paper by Training Editor of "The Nation", Kenya
This was the text of a statement prepared for journalists in Kenya facing an
historic challenge -- the country first's truly democratic multi-party elections
in the early 1990s:
In a few weeks, Kenya will be holding its most exciting general election in
nearly 30 years. It will be an election that will be grassroots in every sense.
From the humblest village to the biggest towns, Kenyans will be voting in
their first truly democratic multi-party elections. Every school hall, sports
ground and beer hall will be invaded as an army of sweet-talking,
promise-it-all politicians and their campaigners take to the hustings.
To report the promises of these politicians we will need a small army of
correspondents. You!
How you report the conduct of the election will largely determine the selling
power of the Nation group of newspapers. So, let us start with a warning:
covering elections, even in Western society, presents many problems. In
Kenya, as with any other fledgling multi-party nation, it will be like walking
in a minefield. One false step and your reputation -- and your newspaper's
-- could be blown to smithereens. Here are some of the ways you can
survive:
Report events exactly as they happen - and not as you would like them to
happen. This means that you must be impartial in every way:
means attending an equal number of candidate's meetings.
Be careful not to colour your reports with inflammatory
language.
say candidates said.
arguments.
inducement from a candidate or his/her supporters. Do not
even take a ride in a politician's car.
that a report or story will appear in the paper.
(A Kenya Nation report talked about a crowd of 40,000 at a
political rally in an area which had three men, 10 chickens and
a dog.)
his opponent, ask that opponent for a comment.
You should listening for:
PROMISES: These are usually part of the party manifesto or platform: lofty
pledges to initiate irrigation schemes, build highways, lower taxes waive
education fees. Or they could be titbits for village consumption: "Vote for
me and I will give you 10 new cattle dips". "Vote for me and no child in the
district will go barefoot". "Vote for me and your stomachs will be full of ugali
forever". So you've got to be alert. You could get a national story or one for
the provincial round up briefs.
HECKLERS: Hecklers, people who like to disrupt meetings with their
interjections, can provoke violence or laughter in equal measure. Be alert
for humorous, rapid-fire exchanges. You may get a good verbatim quote.
THE UNEXPECTED: Unexpected, quirky things often happen at public
meetings. Like the man at the harambee who offered a pig's head (having
already eaten the pig!). Or Wilson Leitich's famous order to chop off the
fingers of people flashing the multi-party salute.
CONTRADICTIONS: Be prepared for a sudden departure from the
prepared speech, particularly contradictory statements or fundamental
shifts in platform policy. Do not rely on the printed text alone. You will need
acute powers of observation. You will need to gauge the mood of the
meeting. Is it tense, light-hearted, gay? Look around and observe the
placards, the expressions on people's faces. Are there trouble-makers?
THE CROWD: How big is the audience? To estimate accurately the size of
a crowd is an important skill. But it is wise to quote a variety of sources:
yours, the police, the organisers.
CONFRONTATIONS: In a volatile political situation, anything can happen.
Certain signs will prepare you. These include the number of infiltrators
from the opposition camp. Are they armed? (even with stones). Listen to
what people in the crowd are saying. And observe the security presence.
Are they armed with shields, batons, machine guns and teargas? Are they
expecting trouble? Do they appear nervous? Do not jump to conclusions
about how trouble has started if a sudden commotion takes place. Talk to
people, you may have missed something or an act of provocation.
If you carry out all the points raised in this rather long list,you will have
performed a valuable service for your newspaper group. Remember, you
will be in on the ground floor as history is made.
And as a man once said: " History is past politics, and politics is present
history". Be part of it.
Checklist of issues: Preparing for an election
a) Organising coverage before the election. The role of media
executives and the role of journalists in the field.
b) Forward planning and covering the issues and politicians.
d) Examine the ideas set out here. How does your media and
how do your journalists measure up to these guidelines.
SURVIVING THE ELECTION:
1. How to Detect Potential Election Irregularities
One of the major stakes in any election is its level of fairness and
transparency. Even when the poll is being monitored by representatives of
political parties, electoral or international observation teams, journalists
should attempt to determine by themselves the degree to which any
problems affect the quality of the electoral process.
The National Democratic Institute for International Affairs in the United
States gives these guidelines to its observer teams. They might be used
as an inspiration for journalists: "Try to observe, research and record the
severity, frequency and pattern of any of the following issues and the
number of voters influenced.
bribes, employment promises, threats, intimidation, systematic
disruption of the election process, unbalanced media access;
the registration process, unreasonably restricting candidate eligibility,
failing to properly list registered voters, failing to distribute voter
identification cards, requiring unreasonable supplemental voter
identification, systematic complication of the election process,
incomplete distribution of election materials;
misreading, miscounting, providing misleading reports to the media,
voting twice, trying to remove indelible ink;
missing for certain parties, insufficient number of envelopes, ink that
washes off, inadequate secrecy of the vote, missing officials, missing
voter registry, no artificial lights; and
understanding of their right to freely choose a candidate or how to
express their choice, and administrators do not have a reasonable
understanding of their duties and how to execute them."
SURVIVING THE ELECTION:
2. Safety At Election Time
(Adapted from the IFJ Safety Manual -- Danger! Journalists At Work -- and
a manual for journalists in South Africa, produced by the South African
Union of Journalists.)
The International Federation of Journalists' Safety Manual states that a
story isn't worth your life. And that should be the starting point for everyone
-- from the editor to the eager and enthusiastic freelance trying to get the
big story that will make his or her name. Journalists must learn to survive,
to avoid injury, jail, expulsion or any of the other perils of our profession --
and still get the story.
In August, 1992 - when it was becoming apparent that attacks on
journalists were increasing at a frightening rate - the South African Union
of Journalists convened a seminar to which representatives of the major
political organisations in the country were invited.
This resulted in the "Declaration of Respect for the Rights of Working
Journalists".
This was signed by the African National Congress, the Congress of South
African Trade Unions, the Democratic Party,the Inkatha Freedom Party,
the National Party, the Pan African Congress, and the South African
Communist Party. The pledge said:
"We share the concern of the SAUJ at recent attacks and threats of
attack against journalists, and agree that the rights of working
journalists should be respected at all times while they are engaged
in news-gathering in South Africa.
"We acknowledge that the SAUJ expects its members to work in
accordance with the Union's Code of Conduct and the IFJ
Declaration of Principles on the Conduct of Journalists.
"We undertake within the limits of our influence and abilities to
respect and promote the physical safety of journalists, including
news photographers and radio and television crews".
While journalists in the rest of Africa might think the situation in South
Africa could not be repeated in their country, election violence is clearly not
a South African invention. Recent events in Nigeria, Equatorial Guinea,
and Kenya show that election time is when the heat is most turned on
journalists and media.
All journalists' organisations should seek from political parties and
national authorities a declaration similar to that obtained in South
Africa. It sets the rights tone for the election campaign and provides
a point of reference if journalists run into trouble.
Journalists' Rights
Journalists have the right to refuse an assignment they consider too
dangerous. It is a right worth using more often. If you start feeling
uncomfortable or the situation suddenly turns ugly, turn back. You cannot
be fired for refusing a job which puts your life at risk.
Don't hesitate to say no and don't feel guilty. If other journalists take
reckless risks, they are foolhardy and should not be encouraged.
If you are covering a dangerous assignment, you have the right to full
insurance (life, health, riot, property). If your employer or the organisation
commissioning your services refuses to provide basic assurances of
support in the event of things getting ugly,consider turning down the
assignment.
Freelances are often badly exploited, and should be confident in
demanding coverage or to be paid enough (extra) to cover the cost of
insurance. If you are attacked, report it to your employer and to your union,
even if you are not injured or only slightly injured. If the followers of a
particular political organisation or movement are responsible, ask your
editor to take it up with that organisation. Make sure that your union does
the same.
Publicity also increases public awareness of the problem. If you know of
attacks against journalists that have not been published, ask your union to
take up the issue with your editor. Information is the only weapon we have
in fighting violence against journalists.
Unions cannot, for example, demand that employers provide protective
clothing unless they have adequate information about the level of attacks.
Media organisations need an overall picture of what is happening if they
are to take up the issue with politicians.
Sometimes it is useful to have an independent body monitoring
elections activities that can take up cases of threats and intimidation.
This body should include representatives from international organisations
defending press freedom or persons that know how to get in touche with
them. Support from abroad can act as a deterrent on a government
tempted to bully the independent media.
Staying out of Trouble
Never carry a gun or a weapon. Get basic first aid training. This does not
mean an obligation to provide medical care to every victim you see, but it
may assist an injured colleague.
Know your rights. It is useful to have an understanding of the regulations
which relate to unrest areas, and to know which areas are affected. This
knowledge will allow you to challenge with confidence any member of the
security forces who tells you that you may not take photographs, or who
orders you to leave an area when you have a right to stay. Remember
than an irresponsible or uninformed act may not only put you in danger,
but could also have repercussions for colleagues.
Know your destination. Be as prepared as possible before leaving the
office. Know what political, racial, religious or any other conflict exists
within a region. Information can keep you out of trouble. Talk to other
journalists. Networking is important. If you have experienced problems in a
particular area, warn other journalists to be careful.
Make Contacts. Get to know the media officers of all the major
organisations in the area. Look out for press marshals at rallies and
marches.If you have any difficulty, ask a marshall for help. If you are
covering a major protest march or political rally,survey the route/venue
beforehand. Look for telephones that can be used, vantage points from
which you can survey the event without being too close in case of trouble.
Be familiar with the roads and where they lead to in case you have to
leave suddenly. Learn and observe local community protocol. This could
include who you speak to first when you go into a community, and how
you address leaders.
Dress Appropriately. Always dress in comfortable clothing that does not
limit your freedom of movement. Especially no heels or narrow skirts.
Clothing that attracts attention to you is out of place in a trouble zone.
Dress to be inconspicuous. Avoid leather jackets, expensive sun glasses
or jewellery. They make you a walking target for criminals. Be aware of the
colours of the political movements and parties active in your region, and
avoid wearing them in the same combinations.
Some journalists prefer to dress formally, but many believe that it is better
not to be too well-dressed for fear of being mistaken for police officers.
Avoid t-shirts with political slogans.
There is a debate whether it is better always to be instantly identifiable as
a journalist or not. Some journalists think it is a good idea to wear a t-shirt
which announces "press" or "media"; others point out that journalists are
sometimes targeted precisely because they are from the media. There is
no easy or safe answer.
It is clear that there will be times when it is better to be identifiable and
others when it is not. Use your judgement.
Before leaving home. The most basic rule of covering conflict is never to
travel alone. If there is no-one else from your news organisation available,
telephone around to find a colleague to take along.It is worth the time and
trouble. And while we might be in competition, we are still colleagues.
Watch out for one another. Always tell your editor, colleagues and family
where you are going and what time you expect to be back.
Make sure someone at home knows what to do and who to contact if you
don't arrive.
In the field. Listen to the locals. Pay attention to advice from people living
in a region or an area. They know best. It is essential to carry a press card.
Keep it handy. Don't keep it in your wallet - you'll be advertising your
money every time you take out your press card.
The breast pocket of your shirt is a good place. Watch out for big crowds.
They are a good signal for what is happening. But don't stop your vehicle
in front of the crowd, or try to drive through it. And if things are too quiet
and there are few or no people on the streets, this could indicate danger.
If there are other journalists about, stick close to them. Never be seen to
be too friendly with the security forces. If a security officer offers his or her
hand, don't take it. Apologise and say you don't mean to be offensive, but
you cannot afford to be seen shaking hands.
If you are caught in the middle of a disturbance, move away -- but don't
run. If you run, you could be seen as a target. Do not attempt to cross
directly from one side of a confrontation to the other.
Above all, remember to keep someone -- your office, your home, your
union, or the IFJ -- informed about where you are at all times.
Checklist
a) Examine the potential for irregularity -- the best observers of the
quality of an election should be media themselves.
b) Seek support from all political parties for a joint declaration on the
question of safety of journalists such as that achieved in South
Africa.
c) A briefing for journalists on safety points taking up some of this
points made here? Would all media co-operate in producing such a
document?
d) Prepare and circulate to all your colleagues a list of numbers -- local
and international -- that they can use if they experience difficulties?
Use the IFJ "Help Card" as a starting point.
SURVIVING THE ELECTION:
3. Public Opinion Polling
Public opinion polls are a common feature in most elections. They can be
commissioned by the media, by political parties or social organisations.
Most media-commissioned polls are based on the horse race model:
who's ahead, who is behind? and often play an excessive role in the
campaign coverage.
They are often unconvincing and very much open to manipulation and
misjudgments. Of course, they get top billing in news coverage, most poll
stories appearing on the front page. But a poll story is entirely
manufactured. It is pseudo-news created by media who create it, pay for it,
and then report on it.
Journalists should give more prominence to surveys on issues. Public
opinion polls should be used as a news gathering tool in order to identify
expectations from the electorate.
This form of journalism is called "precision journalism", that is using
scientific research methods to collect and report news. Those methods
come mainly from the social sciences, sociology, psychology, political
science. Some use qualitative techniques (as the case study, the oral
history, or participant intervention) that require elaborate preparation for in-
depth interviews, others use quantitative techniques, that is essentially the
scientific poll.
Generally journalists will be expected to comment on polls commissioned
by others. Therefore they will need a basic understanding of polling
techniques in order to analyze and interpret accurately the survey data as
well as to identify possible manipulation or misinterpretation.
This familiarity with polling techniques can also be extremely valuable
when a media commissions its own survey. A journalist should always be
assigned to work with the professional pollster and should be
knowledgeable about sampling procedures, questionnaire elaboration, and
data analysis.
Journalists should carefully review guidelines published by some
respected polling organizations like the American Association of Public
Opinion Research. Such organisations recommend that news stories
based on public opinion surveys include the following information:
commissioned by the Democratic Party or by the Trade Union
Confederation);
sample size (total number of respondents). For opinion polls, the
sampling size tends to range from 400 to 2,500. The larger the
sample the lesser the margin of error. However the latter figure is
more than adequate, regardless of the size of the population. The
information should also mention the number of people in any
subsample on which a result is based;
telephone, written questionnaire or face-t-face;
Marta Lagos, a public opinion pollster from Chile gave this advice when
assisting in the Namibian transition. Her remarks were designed to political
party pollsters but they help understand the importance of public opinion
polling for journalists as well:
"You must have information on what people are thinking: what
people want in social, economic and political terms, and how much
they expect from what they want. The question of expectations is
crucial for the stability of the political process after the election has
taken place.
"You have to have information about political parties, the
organizations that are taking place in the election. Which are
partners? Which are your opponents? What are their
characteristics? What are their messages? You need information
about institutions. For example, what is a role of the church as an
institution in the political arena?
"The selection of issues is most important. Among the most
important are:
he or she stays with the same party or whether he or she is
changing his or her mind; Whether he or she is undecided;
individual likes the most and the least;
justice system, the armed forces, the media;
going to be fair?
feel that his or her vote counts, that it matters whether he or she
votes (this can reveal information about the turnout of the election)?
out for their own interests, are they reliable and trustworthy?
she sees on TV, hears on the radio, reads in the newspapers?"
GUIDELINES FOR ELECTION COVERAGE
1. Introduction
Conditions vary between transitional democracies and even between
different regions within the same country so it is important to note that the
proposed guidelines and recommendations set out here should be
adapted according to the national context.
However, the foundation for any set of guidelines are treaty obligations
and internationally-recognised practise for the conduct of elections.
Before any election can be undertaken in a manner which will satisfy any
international scrutiny it is necessary to ensure that legislation which is
contrary to freedom of the press should be repealed. Therefore, all laws
which are in violation of Article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human
Rights should be identified and repealed prior to the election process.
All legal conditions need to take account of the predominant vehicle for
communicating election information, particularly regarding candidates,
discussion of issues and the views of political parties.
The message may be carried primarily by radio, television or print media,
or may be transmitted through other information initiatives, such as public
meetings. Therefore, the need for plurality and openness in any one or all
of these methods is a vital starting point in defining a sound election
information strategy.
The IFJ strongly believes that the role of Government is to encourage
professionalism in all media and to demonstrate commitment to citizens'
rights by ensuring that state-owned media play a leading role in providing
the people with the information which they need to take informed
decisions. The issue here is to convert government media from official or
state media into public service broadcasters.
Fairness and balance in broadcast media is particularly essential since in
most countries the reach of print media is seriously limited by high levels of
illiteracy, ignorance of national (French, English or Portuguese) languages,
price of newspapers, transportation and distribution problems in the
countryside, and by insufficient availability of newsprint and printing
presses. Radio and TV are also very often the main channels for
communication in local languages. Broadcasters have consequently a high
responsibility in assuring that the largest majority of the population gets as
much information as possible.
These guidelines apply to government media which have an obligation
under international law to fulfil the duties of impartiality and nondiscrimination. But they should be an inspiration also for private
broadcasters under the principle that balanced coverage and equal access
to the airwaves enhance the fairness of the electoral campaign.
We believe that the following guidelines, provided by the International
Centre against Censorship Article 19, provide a basic and initial text for
governments in establishing an acceptable framework for election
coverage. (A more detailed set of guidelines from Article 19 has been
published under the title Guidelines for Election Broadcasting in
Transitional Democracies. See: Sources).
2. Media Monitoring
Journalists are being observed as much as they observe during election
time. In elections in South Africa, for instance, media monitoring projects
were set up, often with foreign funding, in order to assess how the media is
covering the campaign.
An election cannot be judged to be free and fair if state or private
monopolies overwhelm the news scene and do not give citizens a
representative and balanced picture of the campaign. Or if journalists do a
poor job.
Journalists, editors and publishers sometimes resent this monitoring but
media criticism is part of the democratic process which can be used to
improve the quality and professionalism of the media. Some media have
set up their own media monitoring as part of normal election coverage
believing that media play a decisive role in the election and should
therefore be reported on. Some even apply these criteria to their own
coverage in order to detect and correct any bias in coverage of the
election.
The Project Vote Smart in the United States gives an idea of the issues
involved by asking would-be monitors to answer the following
questions: Are opposing candidates treated in a like manner?
Who is interviewing the candidate-an ally, an adversary or a nonpartisan interviewer?
Are media participating in the creation of soundbites and photo
opportunities?
Are media stories giving you the information you need on issues
facing your community and your country?
In South Africa, the Media Monitoring Project (MMP) undertook the
monitoring of all television news stations, 13 radio stations and 17 daily
newspapers. Its reports were sent to news organisations, political parties,
embassies, national and international observers, the electoral commission
and a selection of personalities and institutions.
The MMP said: "Monitoring the media comprises two different aspects.
One is the obvious assessment of whether political parties receive
equitable coverage. The other, which is generally overlooked, is assessing
the manner in which the media is covering the election processes. This
raises questions such as: Is the media exposing instances of intimidation,
regardless of the source? Are allegations of electoral fraud or misconduct
being reported?"
The fundamental point of departure of the MMP was to assess the role
played by South African media in the run-up to the country's first
democratic elections. This assessment drew upon internationally accepted
standards for the media: of promoting fairness, impartiality and diversity of
opinions. The IFJ code of conduct (See Page 50) could be one of these
standards.
The European Court, for instance, refers to the right's of citizens to be
informed through:
Full information, which covers all sides of a particular issue.
Impartial information, which does not explicitly or implicitly take
sides on any issue.
Independent information which does not serve any particular
political interest.
Accurate information, which does not exclude or distort issues
which are in the public interest."
The MMP monitored:
election;
government, etc.;
economy, etc.) and which mention or imply a connection with
the government or political parties.
security forces, local government, etc.) or with opposition to
these apparatuses.
Media monitoring includes basically:
a) a quantitative study, the "fairness factor". How much time, how
much space is devoted to each contender and/or political party
and/or sister organisation) and
b) a qualitative approach: the contents of the news, story angles,
semantics, nature and context of time and space measured,
placement of the measured time or space;
c) critical events analysis (comparative analysis of front page
news); the "spiral of silence": determining what's and who's missing
in the news.
d) Determining the hierarchy of news: the priority given to
particular parties/election issues; the "flow of approval": examining
how a certain mind-set or attitude is cultivated through constant
repetition and placement.
GUIDELINE ONE: Government Media Must Inform All Citizens
During the period preceding an election, Government media
must provide the public with relevant information so that citizens
can make informed choices in the election. In particular,
Government media must provide information about:
election;
including material in party manifestos;
will assist people to participate in the election.
Commentary:
Rights states that governments have an obligation to ensure
that "Every citizen shall have the right and opportunity,
without distinction to vote at genuine elections."
experience of multi-party elections have a particular
responsibility to ensure the widespread dissemination of
relevant information about elections.
illiterate. Governments must ensure that they have access to all
information about how to vote.
through other information initiatives, an election information
service accessible by all voters residing in the country.
GUIDELINE TWO: Government Media Must Be Impartial
Government media must be balanced and impartial in reporting
of news and information regarding an election. In particular,
Government media should ensure that programmes and
information services are not biased in favour of one candidate or
one party, but should provide equitable access to media for all
candidates and parties contesting the election.
Commentary:
"Everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and
expression; this right includes freedom to hold opinions
without interference and to seek, receive and impart
information and ideas through any media and regardless of
frontiers."
access to public media of opinions and ideas expressed by all
parties and candidates during an election period. Journalists
must be free to exercise their professional judgement in election
coverage free of guidance or direction from governmental or
state authorities.
coverage between official duties of government representative
and election campaigning activity they may undertake on behalf
of their party and its candidates in the election.
GUIDELINE THREE: Government Must Protect Media
The Government is obliged to protect media organisations and
media employees from all forms of intimidation, violence or acts
of harassment.
The Government should investigate, prosecute and punish
illegal actions intended to interfere with media freedom or to
restrict the free exercise of journalism.
Commentary:
Abid Hussein, on the question of freedom of expression and
opinion and to consider, among other issues, safety of
journalists.
This appointment, with other UN declarations on the question,
particularly by Unesco and the UN Human Rights Commission,
underscores the special importance which the international
community attaches to the physical protection of journalists.
premises is vital to ensure that the media can satisfactorily carry
out the public function of informing the public about matters of
public interest. This is particularly important at election time.
GUIDELINE FOUR: Government Must Not Censor
The Government must not censor election programmes and
must guarantee editorial and professional autonomy of
journalists during the period preceding an election.
Governments should create independent commissions to
monitor the election process with responsibility to review and to
report on media coverage.
Commentary:
that all media are encouraged to freely publish and broadcast
election-related news and information and that media
organisations will not be penalized for broadcasting
programmes or publishing information because they are critical
of the actions or policies of the Government or the ruling party.
and news items prior to broadcast or publication.
GUIDELINE FIVE: Government Must Open the Airwaves
Government media must provide opportunities for legal political
parties and candidates to air their views, without interference in
the content and form of expression of their views, other than in
the context of journalistic presentation of information.
Access to election candidates should be granted:
a) directly, through the provision of direct-access
programmes allocated without discrimination and on equal
terms to all parties and candidates;
b) indirectly, through the exercise of professional journalism
in which the right of reply and correction should be granted
to any candidates or party that makes a reasonable claim
of having been defamed or injured.
Commentary:
whether state-owned or private, should be fair and inclusive. In
some elections this can appear impractical and difficult (in
Namibia 14 political parties equally shared broadcast time in
1989 and in some countries in Eastern Europe dozens of
parties contesting the first election were given air time.)
A particular problem is viewer and listener interest, which can
quickly diminish when a multitude of voices clamours for
attention. However, the principle of equal time gives all parties a
voice, demonstrates variety in content and form of political
choice, and promotes confidence in the election process.
process for obtaining and granting direct access.
regulated to ensure equality of opportunity to limit the advantage
of richer parties.
GUIDELINE SIX: Government Media Must Educate Voters
The Government must ensure that all potential voters in all
regions of the country are able to receive information which will
enable them to vote.
Commentary:
regarding the fundamental rights of voters also extends to
providing voters with such information regarding the election
process as they need to exercise their freedom of expression.
a tradition of parliamentary and multi-party democracy and is
much more so in countries where communications are limited
and many citizens have had minimal education opportunities.
and impartial, carried out in local languages and organised
through radio, TV, press and public meetings in district and
village centres, are an essential component in any voter
education strategy.
needs of women, religious minorities and tribal minorities, many
of whom may have been excluded from the political process.
provided by national human rights organisations, in the
elaboration of a voter education programme.
GUIDELINE SEVEN: Government Media Must be Professional
Government media must demonstrate the highest standards of
journalism and must provide balanced, accurate and impartial
coverage of news and current affairs and Government must
establish a mechanism for regulating and monitoring election
broadcasts.
Commentary:
information of an election campaign, the election process is the
greatest test of professionalism in journalism. State media must
provide journalists with the best professional conditions in which
to work.
by news programmes to various parties and issues and make
efforts to ensure that corrections take place to try to ensure
balance in coverage.
coverage of official duties by ministers and government officers
and coverage of their activities in as candidates in an election.
practices (such as accepting "facilities" for transport or
communications provided by candidates or parties in elections);
election communication centre to which journalists have access
and which provides a clearing house for information and news
regarding the election.
The following guidelines have been agreed in Australia for journalists
working at the Australian Broadcasting Corporation and are similar to
those which apply in many other countries, including at the BBC. They
emphasise to the need for plurality in public broadcasting.
Guidelines
election issues.
explanation of the issues of the campaign.
of the main issues.
reports". However, this does not exclude coverage within news
bulletins of items about the campaign, chosen on their own merits.
the major parties is one method of measuring overall balance, but it
is recognised that news value judgments may not always make
equality of time either possible or desirable.
Coverage of minor parties should not be disproportionate to their
role in the election.
It is recognised that some issues before the electorate may not be
exclusively identified with policies of any one party. A running total of
the time given to each party is to be kept, and provided each week to
the Corporation's Executive Directors.
to be followed.
Editorial Charter
its programming.
duties.
information programmes is accurate and in context. Demonstrable
errors will be corrected with minimum delay and in a form most
suited to the circumstances.
principal relevant viewpoints on matters of importance. This
requirement may not always be reached within a single programme
or news bulletin, but will be achieved within a reasonable period.
Corporation to give all sides of an issue the same amount of time.
News values and news judgments will prevail in reaching decisions,
consistent with these standards.
in perceiving, pursuing and presenting issues which affect society
and the individual.
featured in the news.
editorial staff.
the Australian community is comprehensive and non-discriminatory.
1. POLICY TEXTS: UNESCO AND COUNCIL OF EUROPE
The Declaration of Windhoek was adopted by General Conference of
UNESCO in 1991 and by the IFJ at its World Congress in Montreal in
June, 1992, stated that:
"consistent with Article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights,
the establishment, maintenance and fostering of an independent,
pluralistic and free press is essential to the development and maintenance
of democracy in a nation, and for economic development".
The Declaration defined "independent" as meaning "a press independent
from governmental, political or economic control or from control of
materials and infrastructure essential for the production and dissemination
of newspapers, magazines and periodicals".
It defined "pluralistic" as meaning "the end of monopolies of any kind and
the existence of the greatest possible number of newspapers, magazines
and periodicals reflecting the widest possible range of opinion within the
community".
The Declaration called for constitutional guarantees of freedom of the
press and freedom of association. It said the establishment of truly
independent, representative associations, syndicates or trade unions of
journalists, and associations or editors and publishers, was a matter of
priority in countries where such bodies do not exist.
It said that national media and labour relations laws should be drafted in
such a way as to ensure that such representative associations can exist
and fulfil their important role in defence of press freedom.
The Council of Europe adopted a comprehensive statement on journalistic
freedom and human rights at the 4th Ministerial Conference on Mass
Media Policy held in Prague on December 7-8 1994. The statement --
Media in a Democratic Society -- provides support for actions to ensure
pluralism and independence of journalists. The text also includes support
for public service broadcasting. The full text is set out as an appendix to
this handbook.
a) IFJ Principles on the Conduct of Journalists
The Second World Congress of the International Federation of Journalists,
at Bordeaux, April 25-28, 1954, adopted the following declaration; which
was amended by the 18th World Congress, Helsingor, June 2-6, 1986.
"This international Declaration is proclaimed as a standard of
professional conduct for journalists engaged in gathering,
transmitting, disseminating and commenting on news and
information in describing events.
1. Respect for truth and for the right of the public to truth is the first
duty of the journalist.
2. In pursuance of this duty, the journalist shall at all times defend
the principles of freedom in the honest collection and publication of
news, and of the right of fair comment and criticism.
3. The journalist shall report only in accordance with facts of which
he/she knows the origin. The journalist shall not suppress essential
information or falsify documents.
4. The journalist shall use only fair methods to obtain news,
photographs and documents.
5. The journalist shall do the utmost to rectify any published
information which is found to be harmfully inaccurate.
6. The journalist shall observe professional secrecy regarding the
source of information obtained in confidence.
7. The journalist shall be aware of the danger of discrimination being
furthered by the media, and shall do the utmost to avoid facilitating
such discrimination based on, among other things, race, sex, sexual
orientation, language, religion, political or other opinions, and
national or social origins.
8. The journalist shall regard as grave professional offences the
following:
- plagiarism;
- malicious misrepresentation;
- calumny, slander, libel, unfounded accusations;
- the acceptance of a bribe in any form in consideration of either
publication or suppression.
9. Journalists worthy of the name shall deem it their duty to observe
faithfully the principles stated above. Within the general law of each
country the journalist shall recognise in professional matters the
jurisdiction of colleagues only, to the exclusion of every kind of
interference by governments or others.
IFJ TEXTS:
b) Manifesto For a Democratic Media Culture
The International Federation of Journalists looks to the future with
confidence. We believe that professional journalists, organised in free and
independent trade unions, play a key role in the creation and maintenance
of a democratic media culture.
The IFJ believes that democracy depends upon the extension of freedom
of expression and social justice worldwide.
The IFJ insists that democracy is fully respected when there is an
understanding of the special and particular role of the media in democratic
society.
The IFJ believes that the role of media in democratic society is to apply the
principles of press freedom upon which the freedom of expression and
opinion relies.
The IFJ considers that the treatment of news and information as a
commodity must not override or interfere with the duty of journalists to
inform their audience.
The IFJ believes media freedom can only be achieved when there is
recognition that:
precondition of democratic societies;
they be based on geography, ethnic origins, shared values or
common language;
rights to freedom of information and the right to know are
guaranteed;
be respected to ensure a democratic and pluralistic press around the
world;
threatened for political or economic reasons by technological
developments.
The IFJ calls upon all governments to provide a legal framework which will
ensure the freedom of information, freedom of access to sources of
information, and the freedom to practise professional journalism without
pressure from either political or economic interests.
The IFJ demands full and universal recognition of the right of freedom of
association and of the right of journalists' unions to bargain collectively on
behalf of their members.
The IFJ opposes the use of information media by governments, state
authorities or proprietors for their own political or commercial or personal
advantage.
The IFJ promotes and campaigns for the creation of material conditions for
the development of freedom of expression and opinion.
The IFJ, therefore, reaffirms its support for the Declaration of Windhoek of
May 3rd 1993 which identifies fundamental principles for the
establishment, maintenance and fostering of an independent, pluralistic
and free press which is essential to the development and maintenance of
democracy in a nation, and for economic development.
The IFJ supports the Charter of the United Nations and strengthened
international co-operation based upon universal respect for trade union
and human rights.
The IFJ seeks endorsement at local, regional, national and international
level of the IFJ Code of Principles on the Conduct of Journalism which
forms the basis for universal standards of ethical conduct for the practice
of professional journalism.
The IFJ believes media professionals, journalists and editors and
publishers, both in the written and audiovisual media, should engage in
dialogue internally and with governmental and intergovernmental
authorities on the question of media policy. Such structures for dialogue
should bring together legitimate representatives of workforce,
management and consumers to discuss:
a) the economic and social development of the media, and in particular,
the need to limit monopolisation which can threaten diversity of
information sources necessary for the practice of democracy at all
levels in society;
b) the problems of unemployment and job insecurity whether caused
by concentration of mass media ownership or otherwise;
c) the practical implementation of laws, policies and standards
designed to assist in the development of free and pluralistic media.
d) professional, economic and social conditions within the media
including:
social affairs of all media enterprises.
professional training which reflect the need for high quality
journalism, independent and distinct from political and commercial
imperatives.
information and independent journalism such as editorial statutes.
based upon equality of opportunity and including limitations on
exploitation of freelance and casual labour.
SOURCES
ARTICLE 19, The International Centre Against Censorship, 33 Islington High
Street, London N1 9LH, United Kingdom, Tel: (071) 278 9292 Fax: (071) 713
1356.
Guidelines for Election Broadcasting in Transitional Democracies, August
1994, London.
Freedom of Expression Handbook: International and Comparative Law,
Standards and Procedures, August 1993, London, 322pp.
National Democratic Institute for International Affairs, Suite 503, 1717
Massachusets Ave., N.W. Washington, D.C. 20036, Tel: -1-202- 328 3136, Fax:
939 3166.
Uneven Paths: Advancing Democracy in Southern Africa, by
Padraig O'Malley, Washington, 1993.
Friedrich Ebert Stiftung Godesberger Allee 149, D-53170 Bonn,
Germany, Tel: 49 228 8830, Fax: 49 228 883696
Democracy in Africa - A New Beginning, International Conference Bonn,
1-3 June 1992,
An International Perspective on the Information/Communications Policies
of Governments, by Hendrik Bussiek, FES Southern African Media
Project.
Conference on Media and Freedom of Expression in Southern Africa, 22-
24 November, Lusaka.
INTERNATIONAL FEDERATION OF JOURNALISTS
The Right to Know, IFJ/UNESCO, Editor Jean-Paul Marthoz, 1992,
36 pp.
Media for Democracy: Election Handbook for African Journalists.
Media For Democracy: Ethnic Conflict and Political Change
Preface P3
Chapter One
What the Handbook Contains P4
Democracy and the Role of Journalists P5
Confronting the Problem of Bias P7
Editorial Independence P11
Chapter Two
The Kenyan Experience P14
Objectivity and Journalists P16
Getting out the Message P17
Chapter Three
An Editor's Model P19
Reporters and the Election P24
Chapter Four
Surviving the Election:
Election Irregularities P27
Safety at Election Time P28
Public Opinion Polling P33
Chapter Five
Guidelines for Election Coverage P36
Media Monitoring P37
Guidelines For Government P40
Guidelines For Broadcast Media P46
Chapter Six
Policy Texts: UNESCO and Council of Europe P48
IFJ Texts P49
Appendices: International Declarations of Human Rights